Registrar Nomination: Surprise Change Results In Dustup

“The usually routine nomination of a Republican Registrar of Voters was anything but that tonight at a meeting at Westport Town Hall.”

WestportNow: Registrar of Voters Raines Says No to Nomination <read>

The usually routine nomination of a Republican Registrar of Voters was anything but that tonight at a meeting at Westport Town Hall.  Judy Raines: complained of “being stabbed in the back.” WestportNow photo

After Bob Zappi, Republican Town Committee (RTC) chairman, praised Republican Registrar of Voters Judith Raines for her eight years of service and motioned that she be nominated for re-election in November—a motion that was seconded—Raines stunned the RTC by saying no.

Instead, she said she had two other individuals she was training for her position, and she called them to the front of the auditorium…

When Zappi told Raines this was not the proper procedure, she persisted. Zappi stood firm saying that the RTC would have to form a search committee.

Raines became teary, countering that she “was being stabbed in the back,” considering how hard she fought for funds for her office during the Representative Town Meeting budget restorations.

“I don’t appreciate being blind sided, Judy,” Zappi told Raines.

He quickly nominated George Underhill, the town’s former tax collector who now serves on the RTM, as a placeholder for the position until the search committee could come up with a candidate for November. It was seconded and approved by the RTC.

Bills Waiting For Action In Last Days Of Session

We expect a lot of our legislators. Lots of bills; too many details receiving too little debate, deliberation, and discussion; too little time in short sessions (and “”long” sessions); with a “part-time” legislature. Typically election laws, critical to democracy, are not the squeaky wheels.

This year, like every recent year a lot of bills are in limbo, some passed by committee and others “half-passed” by only the House or the Senate.  The session ends on May 5th.  There are several alternative scenarios:  Few, if any, bills will be debated and passed; a moderate number will pass; many will pass on a consent calendar with no debate.  As we said last year:

Naturally, we are relieved when bills with concepts we generally oppose or bills that have unintended consequences are not enacted one way or another.  But we are equally disappointed when important issues and  bills do not receive the attention we believe is appropriate.

Currently there are two election bills we are aware of waiting for passage in one house, both of which deserve passage, in our opinion:

H.B. 5441: AN ACT CONCERNING CERTAIN REVISIONS TO ELECTIONS RELATED STATUTES AND CONCERNING PARTICIPATION BY THE STAFF AND MEMBERS OF THE CITIZEN’S ETHICS ADVISORY BOARD IN POLITICAL CAMPAIGNS.  A bill with many technical changes to the law to account for the change from lever to optical scan voting machines.  There are more changes in the law needed, but it is about time this bill passed.  Similar bills were proposed by the Secretary of the State for the last two years and like many bills were never passed.  The Secretary recently issued a press release urging passage.

H.B. 5442: AN ACT CONCERNING ABSENTEE VOTING BY MEMBERS OF THE MILITARY AND BY CITIZENS LIVING ABROAD. This bill also has the support of Secretary Bysiewicz in a press release.  We wish it had a few more details spelled out, yet support its passage, especially since it requires all votes be by paper ballot, covered by absentee ballot applications.

Here is an additional bill awaiting passage by both houses.  We support the concept, but the bill needs more work, in our opinion:

S.B. 363: AN ACT CONCERNING POLLING PLACES FOR PRIMARIES.  This bill would allow registrars to use less polling places for primary elections.  A real cost saver when few voters are expected.  A laudable goal: Reduce the number of polling places when few voters are expected in a primary election, if agreed to by all registrars.  This would work well in a town like mine, Glastonbury, where practically everyone drives to the polls anyway.

But what about Bridgeport, Hartford, New Haven, and other big cities?  In those cities we have between 22 and 32 polling places in elections- all with very low turn-out anyway, because people don’t have transportation.  A registrar could easily justify a single polling place, but that might gerrymander the election, and why might the other party registrar object or concur?: Because it is appropriate?; to aid the gerrymandering?;  for political gain?; or to just go along?

We expect a lot of our legislators. Lots of bills; too many details receiving too little debate, deliberation, and discussion; too little time in short sessions (and “”long” sessions); with a “part-time” legislature.  Typically election laws, critical to democracy, are not the squeaky wheels.

Bysiewicz: “Optical scanners were remarkably accurate”

Remarkable? We do NOT agree that phoning election officials and getting them to agree that they counted inaccurately provides much confidence in the audit, least of all proof that the machines counted accurately. Nor does disregarding incomplete reports create credibility.

Press Release:  BYSIEWICZ RELEASES FINAL REPORTS ON INDEPENDENT AUDIT OF NOVEMBER 2009 MUNICIPAL ELECTION RESULTS AND MEMORY CARDS <read>

“My office entered into this historic partnership with the University of Connecticut VoTeR Center so that we could receive an independent, unbiased accounting of Connecticut’s optical scan voting machines,” said Bysiewicz. “The results of these three studies confirm that numbers tallied by the optical scanners were remarkably accurate on Election Day November 3, 2009. Voters should feel confident that their votes were secure and accurately counted.”…

As part ofUConn’s report, a total of 776 records of races were reviewed by the VoTeR Center following the local audit process. Of that sample, 57.6% or 447 records were complete and contained no obvious audit errors. Of those, only 36 or 8% showed a discrepancy between machine counts and hand audits of between one and three votes, with the largest single discrepancy being three votes. Officials from the Secretary of the State’s office investigated another 299 records of audits where larger discrepancies were originally shown that were later determined to be caused by human error during the hand-count auditing process.

Unlike Secretary Bysiewicz: We do NOT agree that phoning election officials and getting them to agree that they counted inaccurately provides much confidence in the audit, least of all proof that the machines counted accurately.  Nor does disregarding incomplete reports create credibility.

See our comments on the UConn Report:

We have several concerns with these investigations:

  1. All counting and review of ballots should be transparent and open to public observation.  Both this year and last year we have asked that such counting be open and publicly announced in advance.
  2. Simply accepting the word of election officials that they counted inaccurately is hardly reliable, scientific, or likely to instill trust in the integrity of elections.  How do we know how accurate the machines are without a complete audit, any error or fraud would likely result in a count difference, and would be [or could have been] very likely dismissed.
  3. Even if, in every cases officials are correct that they did not count accurately, it cannot be assumed that the associated machines counted accurately.
  4. Simply ignoring the initial results in the analysis of the data provides a simple formula to cover-up, or not recognize error and fraud in the future.

Sort of like Major League Baseball doing a random drug test, and then calling the team managers and having them agree that they must have botched the tests that were positive for drugs.

We also question if audit would pass muster as “Independent” since all the counting is supervised by the same officials responsible for the conduct of the election in the first place.  Only the statistical analysis might be considered independent, being performed by UConn.

We will find it remarkable if anyone disagrees with our conclusions.

Updated: Candidate Withdraws Bounty On Republican Registrations

We tend to agree that it should be illegal. Sounds as bad or worse than some of the things that ACORN was only accused of doing.

We received the following press release from Denise Merill’s office <read>

MAJORITY LEADER MERRILL SEEKS LEGISLATION
BANNING BOUNTIES FOR REGISTERING NEW VOTERS

State House Majority Leader Denise Merrill (D-Mansfield, Chaplin) said Monday that she would immediately seek legislation banning bounties or other payments in exchange for the registration of new voters.

“I am very troubled by the practice of using money to influence or persuade a person to register to vote before an election,” Merrill said. “Any practice like this is fraught with the potential for voter fraud. I plan to seek immediately, by way of an amendment to a bill, legislation that would ban this practice.”

The issue arose over the weekend when it was disclosed in a newspaper report that the U.S. Senate campaign of Republican Linda McMahon was paying $5 for each Republican registered during a voter registration drive in Merrill’s district at the University of Connecticut.

“I was shocked that this was being done in my own district,” Merrill said. “The fact that someone might take advantage of a student in need of money is appalling.”

Although the practice may not be illegal, concern has been raised by the U.S. Justice Department, which has contacted state officials who are also looking into McMahon’s campaign voter registration drive.

We tend to agree that it should be illegal.  Ms. Merrill  and her campaign for Secretary of the State is a good example of someone that might be unfairly hurt by such a practice.  In addition to possibly procuring votes for Ms. McMahon the effect would also preclude an unsuspecting student from being able to vote in the Democratic Primary if that would have become their choice as the campaign season progresses.  Sounds as bad or worse than some of the things that ACORN was only accused of doing.

********

Update: Senate candidate Linda McMahon has withdrawn the $5.00 bounty for Republican registrations.  Courant Story: McMahon Decides Not To Offer Students Bonuses; <read>

After being criticized for offering to pay University of Connecticut students extra money for every Republican registered at a voter registration drive this week, U.S. Senate candidate Linda McMahon has decided not to offer the bonuses.

“We have dropped the bonus component of our voter registration drive,” said McMahon’s spokesman, Shawn McCoy, today. “The bonuses are in full compliance with the law, but Linda weighed the concerns that were raised and asked that we drop that component of the plan prior to the launch.”

Students who help with the drive will still receive $10 an hour, but will not be paid the $5 bonus, McCoy said, noting that this is not the first voter registration drive McMahon has worked on. It, however, is the first time the Republican candidate was going to offer bonuses, he said.

***********

A Similar Story Of Two Investigations of Registrations Going Farther: CA Voters Tricked Into Registering As Republicans With Pot Petition: <read>

Orange County authorities are launching an investigation into possible voter registration fraud after a local newspaper reported over a hundred cases of voters being tricked into registering as Republicans by petitioners who asked them to sign petitions for, among other causes, legalizing pot…

In a lengthy investigation published earlier this month, the paper pointed to an $8 “bounty” offered by the California Republican Party for each new registration as a cause for the problems. It identified multiple petitioners who work for vendors “with ties to the California Republican Party.” Back in 2006, a similar scandal led to the convictions of several petitioners.

Nov 09 Election Audit Reports – Part 2 – Inadequate Counting, Reporting, and Transparency Continue

“The main conclusion of this analysis is that the hand counting remains an error prone activity. In order to enable a more precise analysis, it is recommended that the hand counting precision is substantially improved in future audits. The completeness of the audit reports also need to be addressed…Submitting incomplete audit returns has little value for the auditing process.”

Late last week the University of Connecticut (UConn) VoTeR Center posted three reports from the November election on its web site <Pre-Election Memory Card Tests>, <Post-Election Memory Card Tests>, and <Post-Election Audit Report>.  In Part 1 we discussed the memory card tests and in Part 2 we discuss the Post-Election Audit Report.

Highlights from the official report:

The VoTeR Center’s initial review of audit reports prepared by the towns revealed a number of returns with unexplained differences between hand and machine counts and also revealed discrepancies in cases of cross-party endorsed candidates (i.e., candidates whose names appear twice on the ballot because they are endorsed by two parties). As a result, the SOTS Office performed additional information-gathering and investigation and, in some cases, conducted independent hand-counting of ballots. …Further information gathering was conducted by the SOTS Office to identify the cause of the moderately large discrepancies, and to identify the cause of discrepancies for cross-party endorsed candidates…

This report presents the results in three parts: (i) the analysis of the original audit records that did not involve cross-party endorsed candidates, (ii) the analysis of the audit records for cross-party endorsed candidates, and (iii) the analysis of the records that were revised based on the SOTS Office follow up. The analysis does not include 6 records (0.8%) that were found to be incomplete. ..

The main conclusion in this report is that for all cases where non-trivial discrepancies were originally reported, it was determined that hand counting errors or vote misallocation were the causes. No discrepancies in these cases were reported to be attributable to incorrect machine tabulation. For the original data where no follow up investigation was performed, the discrepancies were small; in particular, the average reported discrepancy is much lower than the number of the votes that were determined to be questionable.

Further on in the report is another conclusion:

The main conclusion of this analysis is that the hand counting remains an error prone activity. In order to enable a more precise analysis, it is recommended that the hand counting precision is substantially improved in future audits. The completeness of the audit reports also need to be addressed. For example, in two of the towns when the second hand count was performed it was determined that the auditors did not count a batch of 25 ballots in one case and the absentee ballots in the second. This initially resulted in apparently unexplained discrepancies. Submitting incomplete audit returns has little value for the auditing process.

We note the details of the investigations to determine the accuracy of human and machine counting includes some counting of ballots and some telephone conversations with election officials:

The first follow up was performed to address substantial number of discrepancies in some precincts (discrepancies over 30 votes). All those Version 1.3 April 20, 2010 UConn VoTeR Center 15 unusual discrepancies were concentrated in four towns. As a result in those towns a second hand count of the actual ballots was performed by the SOTS Office personnel…

We now discuss a batch of records containing 218 (28.1% of 776) records where originally the reported discrepancies were under 30 (these do not include cross-party endorsed candidates). In this case the SOTS Office personnel contacted each registrar of voters and questioned their hand count audit procedures. In all instances, the registrars of voters were able to attribute the discrepancies to hand counting errors. Thus no discrepancies (zero) are reported for these districts. Given the fact that no discrepancies were reported for those records we do not present a detailed analysis.

We have several concerns with these investigations:

  1. All counting and review of ballots should be transparent and open to public observation.  Both this year and last year we have asked that such counting be open and publicly announced in advance.
  2. Simply accepting the word of election officials that they counted inaccurately is hardly reliable, scientific, or likely to instill trust in the integrity of elections.  How do we know how accurate the machines are without a complete audit, any error or fraud would likely result in a count difference, and would be [or could have been] very likely dismissed.
  3. Even if, in every cases officials are correct that they did not count accurately, it cannot be assumed that the associated machines counted accurately.
  4. Simply ignoring the initial results in the analysis of the data provides a simple formula to cover-up, or not recognize error and fraud in the future.

As we have said before we do not question the integrity of any individual, yet closed counting of ballots leaves an opening for fraud and error to go undetected and defeats the purpose and integrity of the audit.

We also note that in several cases officials continued to fail perform the audit as required by law or to provide incomplete reports.

On the other hand we note that only 6 records (0.8% of 776) were found to be incomplete. The statistical analysis does not include these records. While some problematic records are clearly due to human error (e.g., errors in addition), in other cases it appears that auditors either did not follow the audit instructions precisely, or found the instructions to be unclear. However, this is a substantial improvement relative to the November 2007 and November 2008 elections, where we reported correspondingly 18% and 3.2% of the records that were unusable.On the other hand we note that only 6 records (0.8% of 776) were found to be incomplete. The statistical analysis does not include these records. While some problematic records are clearly due to human error (e.g., errors in addition), in other cases it appears that auditors either did not follow the audit instructions precisely, or found the instructions to be unclear. However, this is a substantial improvement relative to the November 2007 and November 2008 elections, where we reported correspondingly 18% and 3.2% of the records that were unusable.

Improvement or not, our solution would be to require the towns involved to, correct their errors, comply with the law, and perhaps be subject to a penalty.  Not pursuing such provides a clear formula for covering up errors and fraud.

Finally, since only “good” records were fully analyzed we question the value of some the reported statistics based only on those results. We do agree with the reports recommendations:

The main conclusion of this analysis is that the hand counting remains an error prone activity. In order to enable a more precise analysis, it is recommended that the hand counting precision is substantially improved in future audits. The completeness of the audit reports also need to be addressed. For example, in two of the towns when the second hand count was performed it was determined that the auditors did not count a batch of 25 ballots in one case and the absentee ballots in the second. This initially resulted in apparently unexplained discrepancies. Submitting incomplete audit returns has little value for the auditing process.

For the cross party endorsement, it is important for the auditors to perform hand counting of the votes that precisely documents for which party endorsement the votes were cast, and to note all cases where more than one bubble was marked for the same candidate. The auditors should be better trained to follow the correct process of hand count audit…

We also believe that our reporting of the analysis, and the analysis itself needs to be improved. A major change planned for future analysis is to assess the impact of the perceived discrepancies on the election outcomes (in addition to analyzing individual audit return records). This is going to be exceedingly important for the cases where a race may be very close, but where the difference between candidates is over 0.5% (thus not triggering an automatic recount)[*]

* CTVotersCount Note: Connecticut has an automatic ‘recanvass’, triggered at a difference of less than 20 votes or 0.5% up to  a maimum difference of 2000 votes.

In January, the Connecticut Citizen Election Audit Coalition Report analyzed the November 2009 Post-Election Audit data and the observations of citizen volunteers:

In this report, we conclude that the November post-election audits still do not inspire confidence because of the continued lack of

  • standards for determining need for further investigation of discrepancies,
  • detailed guidance for counting procedures, and
  • consistency, reliability, and transparency in the conduct of the audit.

Compared with previous reports of November post-election audits:

  • The bulk of our general observations and concerns remain.
  • The accuracy of counting has improved. There was a significant reduction in the number of extreme discrepancies reported. However, there remains a need formuch more improvement.
  • There was a significant improvement in counting cross-endorsed candidate votes
  • The number of incomplete reports from municipalities has significantly decreased.

We find no reason to attribute all errors to either humans or machines.

There is no reason to modify the Coalition’s conclusion based on the official report. Many of the same concerns and conclusions we discussed last year still apply.  See last year’s post for more details, here is a summary:

  • The investigations prove that Election Officials in many Connecticut municipalities are not yet able to count votes accurately
  • The audit and the audit report are incomplete
  • Even with all the investigations and adjustments we have many unexplained discrepancies [Unless we accept the belief of officials that they counted inaccurately, and in all those cases the machine counted accurately]
  • The Chain-of-Custody is critical to credibility
  • Either “questionable ballot” classification is inaccurate in many towns or we have a “system problem”
  • Accuracy and the appearance of objectivity are important
  • Timeliness is important
  • The problem is not that there were machine problems. We have no evidence there were any. The problem is that when there are or ever were, dismissing all errors as human counting errors, we are unlikely to find a problem
  • We stand by our recommendations and the recommendations of other groups
  • The current Audit Process in Connecticut demonstrates the need for audits to be Independent and focused on election integrity, not just machine certification reliability

As we said last year;

We recognize and appreciate that everyone works hard on these programs, performing the audits, and creating these reports including the Registrars, Secretary of the State’s staff, and UConn.   We also welcome Secretary Bysiewicz’s commitment to solve the problems identified.  Yet, we have serious concerns with the credibility of the audits as conduced and their value, as conducted, to provide confidence to the public in the election process.

Nov 09 Election Audit Reports – Part 1 – Problems Continue and Some Good News

We should all applaud the unique memory card testing program, yet we must also act aggressively to close the gaps it continues to expose…The good news is that UConn has identified a likely cause of the “junk” data cards. Perhaps a solution is near.

Late last week the University of Connecticut (UConn) VoTeR Center posted three reports from the November election on its web site <Pre-Election Memory Card Tests>, <Post-Election Memory Card Tests>, and <Post-Election Audit Report>.  In Part 1 we will discuss the memory card tests and in Part 2 the Post-Election Audit Report.

As we said last year:  We should all applaud the unique memory card testing program, yet we must also act aggressively to close the gaps it continues to expose.

We note the following from this year’s reports:

  • An increase in the percentage of memory cards in the pre-election test.
[pre-election 2009]  The VoTeR Center received in total 491 memory cards from 481 districts before the elections. This document reports on the findings obtained during the audit. The 491 cards represent over 80.6% of all districts, thus the audit is broad enough to draw meaningful conclusions.

[pre-election 2008] the VoTeR Center received and examined 620 memory cards [about 74% of districts] as of November 3, 2008. These cards correspond to 620 distinct districts in Connecticut. About 2/3 of these memory cards were randomly chosen by the VoTeR Center personnel during the visits to LHS and before the cards were packed and shipped to the towns. Another 1/3 of the memory cards came from the towns directly, where the cards were randomly chosen for preelection audit (this procedure applied to the town for which the cards were not selected at LHS).

  • And a significant drop in the percentage of memory cards in the post-election test:
[post-election 2009] The VoTeR Center received in total 120 memory cards from 49 districts [approximately 8.0% of all districts] after the elections. The cards were received during the period from December 12, 2009 to February 12, 2010. Among the received cards, 49 were used in the elections,

[post-election 2008] The VoTeR Center received in total 462 memory cards from a number of districts after the elections… Among these cards, 279 were used in the elections… The 279 cards represent over 30% of all districts,

As we understand it, the Secretary of the State’s Office asks all towns to send in memory cards for each district, they are not randomly selected.  This means that we cannot be sure the percentages of  “junk” data or procedural lapses reported actually represent a reliable measure of all memory cards and official actions, yet it seems reasonable to conclude that:

  • “Junk” data continues at an unacceptable rate:
[pre-election]The audit identified forty two (42) cards, or 9%, that contained “junk” data; these cards are unreadable by the tabulators, and easily detected as such. This is a high percentage of faulty/unusable cards. We note that this is consistent with the percentage reported for the pre-election audit of November 2008 elections. The percentage is lower than detected in the post-election audit for the August 2008 primary (15%), but higher than detected in the pre-election audit for the August 2008 primary (5%), post-election audit for the February 2008

[post-election] Concerning the remaining cards, 14 (12% of the total number of cards) were found to contain junk data, that is, they were unreadable, which is easily detected by the tabulators; had a card contained junk data at the time of the election,

So the problem of “junk” data continues at a likely rate toward the middle of past testing results.  As we have said before 5%, 9%, 15%, even 1% is a huge failure rate for relatively simple technology such as memory cards.

  • Very good news on the “Junk” data cards:

We have determined that weak batteries are the primary cause of junk data on cards; a separate report will document this in more detail. It is recommended that batteries are replaced before each election.

It seems that UConn has identified a likely cause of the “junk” data cards.  Perhaps a solution is near.  We look forward to reading that separate report.

  • Officials continue to fail to follow procedures at a significant rate
[pre-election] The audit identified twenty-three (23) cards where the audit log indicates card duplication events. Card duplication is not authorized per SOTS Office instructions. Otherwise the cards were properly programmed for elections…There are 76 cards (15%) that were properly programmed, but were found in unexpected states or contained unexpected timing of events. This does not necessarily present an immediate security concern, however the findings indicate that the established procedures are not strictly followed in some cases.

[post-election] 14 contained junk data
2 were not programmed (formatted, but blank)
3 were involved in duplication
4 were non-standard cards (32KB instead of 128KB) [LHS not election official error] 4 were programmed for different elections

The main concern with such failures to follow procedures is that they are symptomatic that other procedures are frequently not being followed, yet each failure represents a possible lapse in security and election integrity.

Comments from our post on last year’s report still apply:

  • A non-random partial post-election audit of memory cards is useful, but it is insufficient
  • How many more tests, reports, and elections will it take before the junk data problem is significantly reduced? [Thanks to UConn, based on the 2009 report, we may have an answer soon]
  • Almost every failure to follow procedures is an opportunity to cause problems, cover up errors, or cover up fraud. [including not sending in cards for testing]. We can only hope that the Registrars of Voters will join in the commitment to meet a much higher standard.

For more details behind these comments please read our post on last year’s report.

Jon Kantrowitz Talks with Denise Merrill – Discussion of EDR, Early Voting and Vote Counting

John Kantowicz posted comments from a discussion he had with Secretary of the State candidate Denise Merrill on MyLeftNutmeg. This has led to a lively discussion of Election Day Registration (EDR), Early Voting, and Vote Counting with several activists and a registrar joining in the discussion.

John Kantowicz posted comments from a discussion he had with Secretary of the State candidate Denise Merrill on MyLeftNutmeg <read>

I had a nice talk with Denise Merrill, candidate for Secretary of the State, last night. She is not in favor of election day registration, but asked me for some evidence that it increases voter turn-out.

Here is the evidence:

Nine states have some form of Election Day voter registration: Idaho, Iowa, Maine, Minnesota, Montana, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Wisconsin and Wyoming. Montana began Election Day voter registration in 2006, North Carolina in 2007, and Iowa in 2008. Connecticut also has Election Day registration, but only for presidential elections. (North Dakota, unique among the states, has no voter registration requirement at all.)

She does favor early voting, by the way. While not allowing registration on Election Day itself (the last day to vote), the states of Ohio and North Carolina offer a period where voters can register and then early vote.

Voter turnout is much higher in states using Election Day registration than in states that did not. In the 2004 presidential election, voter turnout in same-day voter registration states was 12 percent higher than states that did not;] in the 2006 midterm elections, states with same-day voter registration had turnout rates 10-12 percent higher than in other states. In the 2008 election voter turnout was 7% higher in EDR states. The top five states all had Same Day Registration.

This has led to a lively discussion of Election Day Registration (EDR) and Early Voting with several activists and a registrar joining in the discussion.  I would suggest reading the whole discussion.  On MyLeftNutmeg,  where I am ‘BlastFromGlast’, here are my comments there:

EDR, if it is done safely and effectively. Early voting done well is Expensive

EDR has been done well by other states at the polling place with no problems, I am in favor if its done well. However, doing it the way the legislature has proposed for the last couple of years is  risky and disenfranchising.

The proposal has been to have it done in one central location per town and the ballots handled sort of like absentee ballots but with even less controls specified in the law than exist for absentee ballots. The risks are that 1)voters can be disenfranchised because they don’t get a chance to revote if they have over votes. 2) Unless there is a legal, enforced, and enforceable chain of custody the votes can be changed or trashed along the way.

Don’t think of EDR as a few votes. In can be 20-30% of the vote like it is in some other states, much more work than the current Presidential Ballot, and much more influential on election results.

EDR votes should be handled like any other vote in a full polling place with ballot clerks, machine tender, scanner and placed in the ballot box by the voter, who has an opportunity to correct the ballot for any reason including overvoting. Presumably new voters can make mistakes even more than the average voter.

To gain the same benefits from EDR as other states have, we need to vote in the same general way they do: Polling place EDR with the same voting methods as all voters.

EDR has savings as well as costs. Less registration work in advance of the election. Less arguments between Assistant Registrars and voters who think they registered (some who probably did). None of the hassles of the Presidential ballots. In the end it likely costs a bit more, especially since there would be more voters overall, which would overall be a good thing.

EARLY VOTING:
Early voting has its own risks but is also very expensive and difficult to do in New England with town by town voting.

The risk is that the ballots and the voting machines need to be kept secure between each voting session, the current level of security might be insufficient for EDR. Currently, machines and blank ballots are often delivered to polling places the night before and then returned to town hall after late on election night, but there is a whole new level of security needed to protect voted ballots and machines between early voting sessions. (And we need to beef up the current level of security which leaves ballots and machines in most towns subject to access by single persons, via a single key, for almost unlimited time, undetected).

Without changes in the State Constitution and dramatic changes in organization, early voting would require one polling place in each of 169 towns. Each day costing a minimum between $1,500 and $2,000 per town. Each day of early voting would thus cost several times what the post-election audit costs.

Of course early voting could also be accomplished by mail-in voting (also called unlimited absentee balloting) but that has its own risks) [With a couple editing fixes which I cannot do on comments at MyLeftNutmeg]

John Kantowicz continues with another thoughtful post: Denise Merrill and Counting Votes <read>

West Haven Registrar’s Actions Under Scrutiny

The complaints were filed by Charles Marino, former Democratic registrar of voters, and Deborah Evangelista, who worked 16 years as administrative assistant in the registrar’s office before Hufcut took office…Animosity between Hufcut and Marino goes back to 2008, when Hufcut unseated Marino as Democratic registrar in a heated primary election.

New Haven Register: State probing actions of W. Haven registrar <read>

WEST HAVEN — The state is investigating two election-violation complaints stemming from the March 2 Democratic Town Committee primary and subsequent recounts.

Nancy Nicolescu, spokeswoman for the state Election Enforcement Commission, confirmed the commission is reviewing two complaints against Democratic Registrar of Voters Michelle Hufcut. At a March 24 meeting, the commission approved investigatory subpoenas in the case, which authorized the state to seize materials related to the election in question.

The complaints were filed by Charles Marino, former Democratic registrar of voters, and Deborah Evangelista, who worked 16 years as administrative assistant in the registrar’s office before Hufcut took office.

Hufcut Tuesday confirmed the state came in this month and seized ballots and other election materials as part of the investigation. Regarding the complaints, Hufcut dismissed them as politically motivated.

“I don’t think there is any validity. I think it is their attempt to try to discredit me. I think once the state is finished with their investigation, I’ll be vindicated,” Hufcut said.

Evangelista said she and Marino filed the complaints because they were appalled by Hufcut’s handling of the election and recounts.

“It was a fiasco,” Evangelista said…

Animosity between Hufcut and Marino goes back to 2008, when Hufcut unseated Marino as Democratic registrar in a heated primary election. Hufcut at the time decided to challenge Marino after she read a University of Connecticut report that uncovered dead people on statewide voter registration lists, including West Haven.

We tend to go along with that last statement.  We recall the controversy involving the two Registrars and the newly elected Hufcut at the November 2008 election, which also involved the Secretary of the State and her advice to Hufcut.

Video: Two Candidates At The JJB Dinner

Gerry Garcia and Denise Merrill, candidates for Secretary of the State at the Jefferson Jackson Bailey Dinner (Annual CT Democratic Party Fund Raiser)

Gerry Garcia and Denise Merrill, candidates for Secretary of the State at the Jefferson Jackson Bailey Dinner (Annual CT Democratic Party Fund Raiser) <By CTBob>

Gerry Garcia:

As Bob Says “Denise Merrill (who lost her voice, which resulted in the subtitles):”

CTBob gave Denise another chance with her voice recovered. Much on the environment. Why she is running for SOTS starts at about 1:40 in.