Audit Random Drawing for the September Municipal Primary

Today, three advocates joined the Secretary of the State and her staff in selecting districts for the post-election audit of the September Municipal Primary.

Today, three advocates joined the Secretary of the State and her staff in selecting districts for the post-election audit of the September Municipal Primary.

From left to right:  Secretary Bysiewicz reads a selected district, Jack Wentland from CTVotersCount draws a district, while yours truly spins, and Kim Fabrizio from the League of Women Voters prepares to draw. (Thanks to Av Harris, Press Secretary,  for snapping the picture with my camera)

There were 157 districts in the primary, so we drew 10% (16 districts) from the 139 that did not have a recanvass after the primary.

Prior to the press conference we checked the printed business card slips of paper against the list of districts.  There were two extras and two missing and one printed on both sides with valid districts.  We used the two extras and one of my business cards to make a full and correct set.

Next, 10 municipalities will count the 16 districts, as we understand between the close of business on Sept 29th through Oct 7th.  Here is the original press release with the towns and districts selected.  We understand it is being updated and corrected to reflect the actual audit period:  <read>

Here are the selected districts with the four alternates in the lower left column.

Are Corporations People? Supreme Court Revisionism?

The Supreme Court will soon make another decision, perhaps giving corporations more rights as people. Or reducing the rights of corporations as people. Such rulings are critical to the limits of corporate free speech, campaign financing, and lobbying etc.

The rights of corprations as persons has a curious history. It seems that providing rights as persons to corporations goes against the intent of the founders. Changes to increase corproate rights would be revisionist. Changes to restrict and rein in corporations would be a return to traditional American Constitutional values.

The Supreme Court will soon make another decision, perhaps giving corporations more rights as people.  Or reducing the rights of corporations as people.  Such rulings are critical to the limits of corporate free speech, campaign financing, and lobbying etc.

Today the New York Times has an editorial, The Rights of Corporations <read>.  The Times argues the case for the Court to limit the rights of corporations:

To us, as well as many legal scholars, former justices and, indeed, drafters of the Constitution, the answer is that their rights should be quite limited — far less than those of people.

This Supreme Court, the John Roberts court, seems to be having trouble with that. It has been on a campaign to increase corporations’ legal rights — based on the conviction of some conservative justices that businesses are, at least legally, not much different than people…

Chief Justice Roberts disagreed: “A large corporation, just like an individual, has many diverse interests.” Justice Antonin Scalia said most corporations are “indistinguishable from the individual who owns them.”

The Constitution mentions the rights of the people frequently but does not cite corporations. Indeed, many of the founders were skeptical of corporate influence.

John Marshall, the nation’s greatest chief justice, saw a corporation as “an artificial being, invisible, intangible,” he wrote in 1819. “Being the mere creature of law, it possesses only those properties which the charter of its creation confers upon it, either expressly, or as incidental to its very existence.”…

One of the main areas where corporations’ rights have long been limited is politics. Polls suggest that Americans are worried about the influence that corporations already have with elected officials. The drive to give corporations more rights is coming from the court’s conservative bloc — a curious position given their often-proclaimed devotion to the text of the Constitution.

The founders of this nation knew just what they were doing when they drew a line between legally created economic entities and living, breathing human beings. The court should stick to that line.

The  rights of corprations as persons has a curious history.  It seems that providing rights as persons to corporations goes against the intent of the founders.  Changes to increase corproate rights would be revisionist.  Changes to restrict and rein in corporations would be a return to traditional American Constitutional values.  Here is one summary of a very facinating and surprising history <read>

When American colonists declared independence from England in 1776, they also freed themselves from control by English corporations that extracted their wealth and dominated trade. After fighting a revolution to end this exploitation, our country’s founders retained a healthy fear of corporate power and wisely limited corporations exclusively to a business role. Corporations were forbidden from attempting to influence elections, public policy, and other realms of civic society…

For 100 years after the American Revolution, legislators maintained tight controll of the corporate chartering process. Because of widespread public opposition, early legislators granted very few corporate charters, and only after debate. Citizens governed corporations by detailing operating conditions not just in charters but also in state constitutions and state laws. Incorporated businesses were prohibited from taking any action that legislators did not specifically allow.

States also limited corporate charters to a set number of years. Unless a legislature renewed an expiring charter, the corporation was dissolved and its assets were divided among shareholders. Citizen authority clauses limited capitalization, debts, land holdings, and sometimes, even profits. They required a company’s accounting books to be turned over to a legislature upon request. The power of large shareholders was limited by scaled voting, so that large and small investors had equal voting rights. Interlocking directorates were outlawed. Shareholders had the right to remove directors at will.

In Europe, charters protected directors and stockholders from liability for debts and harms caused by their corporations. American legislators explicitly rejected this corporate shield. The penalty for abuse or misuse of the charter was not a plea bargain and a fine, but dissolution of the corporation…

One of the most severe blows to citizen authority arose out of the 1886 Supreme Court case of Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad. Though the court did not make a ruling on the question of “corporate personhood,” thanks to misleading notes of a clerk, the decision subsequently was used as precedent to hold that a corporation was a “natural person.”

That same site has extensive additional articles and web links.

The Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad case is highly instructive, especially this history as described by Tom Hartmann in a Buzzflash interview <read>

What was really amazing to me was that when I went down to the old Vermont State Supreme Court law library here in Vermont, and read an original copy of the Court’s proceedings in the 1886 “Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad” case, the Justices actually said no such thing. In fact, the decision says, at its end, that because they could find a California state law that covered the case “it is not necessary to consider any other questions” such as the constitutionality of the railroad’s claim to personhood.

But in the headnote to the case — a commentary written by the clerk, which is NOT legally binding, it’s just a commentary to help out law students and whatnot, summarizing the case — the Court’s clerk wrote: “The defendant Corporations are persons within the intent of the clause in section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which forbids a State to deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”

That discovery — that we’d been operating for over 100 years on an incorrect headnote — led me to discover that the clerk, J.C. Bancroft Davis, was a former corrupt official of the U.S. Grant administration and the former president of a railroad, and in collusion with another corrupt Supreme Court Justice, Stephen Field, who had been told by the railroads that if they’d help him get this through they’d sponsor him for the presidency.

CTNewsJunkie: Will Lawmakers Fix Campaign Finance Next Week?

Officials discuss fixing campaign finance reform law, or not.

Story by Christine Stuart: <read>.  Officials discuss fixing campaign finance reform law, or not.

The state official — Elections Enforcement Executive Director Jeffrey Garfield — called Friday for fast action.

“The legislature needs to act immediately; either by amending the reversion clause as we proposed in the budget implementation bill, or by calling an immediate special session to consider a permanent fix to the campaign finance reform legislation,” Garfield said.

But Sen. Gayle Slossberg, D-Milford, said she doesn’t see any changes being made next week when the legislature returns to finish the budget implementation bill.

“It’s a major program,” Slossberg said. “It needs to be done slowly and methodically with public debate.”

Slossberg said the reversion clause that will take the fundraising system back to the way it was before 2005 isn’t even triggered until April and only if there’s still a lawsuit pending.

See earlier coverage.

A Day At The Recanvass

When initial election results are close, in Connecticut, there is an automatic recanvass. Loosely, a recanvass is often called a recount. Yesterday we had municipal primary elections in twenty-nine of our one-hundred and sixty-nine towns. I woke up to a Hartford Courant article about a close primary in Cromwell that would be “recounted” at 10:00am today. Although I have observed nineteen post-election audits, I have only attended one previous recanvass and that was a lever machine recount after the November 2006 election. I was available and Cromwell is nearby.

When initial election results are close, in Connecticut, there is an automatic recanvass.  Loosely, a recanvass is often called a recount.  Yesterday we had municipal primary elections in twenty-nine of our one-hundred and sixty-nine towns.  I woke up to a Hartford Courant article about a close primary in Cromwell that would be “recounted” at 10:00am today.

Although I have observed nineteen post-election audits, I have only attended one previous recanvass and that was a lever machine recount after the November 2006 election.  I was available and Cromwell is nearby.  From the Courant <read>

The town will hold a recount Wednesday at 10 a.m. in room 224 at town hall to determine the winners of the remaining three spots on the Nov. 3 ballot.

Emanuele — the only candidate whose vote total was more than 20 votes higher than those of his competitors — received 370 votes, according to unofficial results. David Murphy received 317 votes; Ann Marie Halibozek received 313 votes; Anthony Varricchio Sr. and Stephen Bayley each received 305 votes; and Richie Waters received 249 votes. All of the vote tallies are unofficial.

A recount is required in elections in which there is less than a 20-vote difference between candidates, there is a tie or there is a difference of half of 1 percent of votes cast. About 16 percent of the town’s 3,272 voters participated in the primary, with 542 people casting ballots, DiProto said.

If officials confirm the tie between Bayley and Varricchio Wednesday, there will be a runoff in three weeks, DiProto said.

To better follow the action, I printed a copy of the latest Recanvass Procedure Manual from the Secretary of the State’s Office.  Yet, there was no time to read it.   I will have more to say about the procedures later.  Readers familiar with CTVotersCount know that we have concerns with the basic structure of the recanvass, since it is not a manual count but primarily relies on recounting most ballots through the same type of optical scanner and presumably a duplicate memory card from our out of state vendor. <see Minnesota Recount vs. Connecticut Recanvass>  I am hardly as familiar with the recanvass procedures as I am with the post-election audit procedures.  After each post-election audit period I have submitted procedure suggestions for improvement, many of which have  been accepted.  Today my intent would be watching and absorbing information, clarifying my understanding of the current procedures.  I would find several areas which could be improved and several areas where my understanding of the actual procedures was formed by observer training  received from national party officials, as part of the 2006 2nd Congressional District recanvass (it was good training, but much of what the trainers said about the role and rights of official observers was not covered in the procedure manual and apparently not common knowledge of the candidates and parties, judging by my experience today).

I arrived at about 9:50.  Several  town officials were there with the sealed ballot bag and a tabulator sealed in a bag.  The meeting room may be the town council meeting room, as it had several rectangular tables arranged in a “U” with rows of folding chairs facing the tables.  When the proceedings started there were a total of perhaps 16 people including, I believe , 5  to 7 officials, candidates, party observers,  and other observers – all from Cromwell except for me.   These included Moderator Alice Kelly, Democratic Registrar of Voters Linda Duren, and Town Clerk Darlene DiProto.

The recanvass was conducted and supervised by Alice Kelly, the Moderator.  Most post-election audits are conducted by one or both registrars – but the procedures specify that the Moderator conduct the recanvass.  This seems to me to be a good idea for two reasons:  First, moderators are supposed to be neutral – there is no guarantee, but it sets a better tone.  Second, moderators work for the registrars, so with one or both registrars present the registrars can observe and, if necessary, correct the moderator.  My observation of post-election audits leads me to conclude that registrars are often reluctant to correct the election officials they are supervising, yet since everyone works  for the registrars, other election officials are reluctant raise concerns.

Alice did an excellent job, explaining what was happening, and offering everyone opportunities to ask  questions.  After each major step of the process, she asked “Are there any questions?” or “Are there any objections?”.

She explained that they were using the backup AccuVote-OS optical scanner which had undergone pre-election testing.  She or another official read the serial numbers from the bag while an official observed up close.  After the bag was opened she showed the public the other seals on the scanner and read those numbers aloud.  This is where I should have asked if she was comparing them to another record or writing them down etc.

Part of my recall of that training from 2006 was that two observers designated by party chairs or candidates were the only ones who could observe up close and ask questions, so at first I was reluctant to speak up.  Checking now, I note the procedures say in two places:

Each chairman may send two representatives to be present at the recanvass.  The representatives may observe the recanvass, but may not participate in the recanvass.

And

All recanvass procedures shall be open to public observation, however, no member of the public can actively participate or interfere with the conduct of the recanvass.

I don’t see similar language specific for candidates in primaries, such as this one, where some candidates are competing with the party slate.

I find no other reference to observers in the manual.  It could benefit by language similar to that in the latest Post-Election  Audit Procedure Manual:

ROLE OF OBSERVERS

The State of Connecticut is committed to an open, public, and transparent process. Public Act 07-194 specifically provides that the audit “shall be open to public inspection.” This means that observers should be allowed to view every aspect of the proceedings, including being close enough: (1) to actually see ballots as they are being counted; (2) to see tally sheets as they are being marked and when they are complete; (3) to see report forms to be sent to the Office of the Secretary of the State; (4) to be able to verify that the counts from tally sheets are properly added and conform to the totals on the report forms; (5) to be able to verify the seal number(s) and observe the condition of the seals before they are broken; (6) to observe the moderator’s report, machine tape, and other documents created on election day; and (7) to view any other documents created in the process and to ask questions of Registrars regarding the process.

Observers should be allowed freedom of movement sufficient to enable them to view the items described above. However, it lies within the discretion of the Registrars of Voters to ensure that no observer disrupts the integrity or the orderliness of the process.

The recanvass should provide this same access to the official party and candidate observers.  There also may be a need for a similar, but perhaps restricted role articulated for other observers.  In addition, I note that only two party/candidate observers are specified.  I would require the moderator to add to the notice of the recanvass a maximum number of teams that will simultaneously be performing the recanvass and allow each party/candiate at least two observers per team, in order that representatives can watch every aspect of the process.

I also note the value of having some type of “Observer Guide”  to be made available at recanvasses or audits such that the public, party observers, and candidate observers would know what to expect and to what extent they can observe and question the proceedings.  We are aware of such an  Election Observer  Handbook, in San Mateo County California.

The ballots were unsealed and five election officials began to organize the ballots. And as required by procedures, separate out the ballots with questionable ballots.  When asked for questions or objections, I stated that I thought that the procedures required that two opposing officials check each ballot and agree on which had questionable votes.  Alice said I was reading the procedures incorrectly and that she had checked with the Secretary of the State’s office and only one person checking each ballot was OK. I quickly scanned the procedures and found this:

The recanvass officials of opposing political parties shall remove all other ballots in the ballot transfer case (except any ballots marked “spoiled ballots” from a polling place in which the marksense machine was used for polling place voting).  They shall  examine all these ballots which were machine counted on election day to determine whether the markings for the office being recanvassed are sufficiently clear to be read by the machine.

Reading this I saw it was ambiguous, yet I am still convinced that the intent would seem to be that two officials review each ballot.  In any case, I did not further object.  However, reviewing the procedures later at home, I reviewed the complete paragraph:

The recanvass officials of opposing political parties shall remove all other ballots in the ballot transfer case (except any ballots marked “spoiled ballots” from a polling place in which the marksense machine was used for polling place voting). They shall examine all these ballots which were machine counted on election day to determine whether the markings for the office being recanvassed are sufficiently clear to be read by the machine. (See examples of properly and improperly marked ballots in this handbook as a guide) Also, if a stickered race is being recanvassed, make sure that early absentee ballots issued without the corrected name are not machine counted. If any such error or defect is found, the ballot should be set aside for hand counting of the races involved in the recanvass. If two recanvass officials of opposing political parties agree that such ballots are sufficiently clear to be read by the machine, such ballots shall be processed through the machine. When finished, open the write-in bin, handcount any write-in race that is subject to the recount, and enter it on a “recount write-in bin” line.

At first reading it would seem to me that the underlined sentence would imply two officials concurrence on the machine readability of each ballot.  Yet, there is ambiguity, as this sentence could be interpreted only to apply to the stickered ballots, if any.

One good result was that in asking my question, the official observers realized the value of having two individuals check the marks on each ballot for machine readability.  So, before Alice fed each ballot into the scanner, to observers looked closely at each ballot – in the end they added thirty-two more to the originally pulled 59 ballots.  (altogether there were about 650 ballots.  Having a single polling place, Cromwell scans absentee ballots into the same scanner on election day, so they were not segregated in the recanvass.

Also upon that closer reading of the procedures at home, I discovered this step:

The recanvass officials must, in the presence of the moderator and town clerk, open the depository envelopes containing the discarded outer and inner envelopes and rejected absentee ballots. The recanvass officials must check all absentee ballot outer envelopes against absentee ballot inner envelopes and against the check list to verify postmarks, addresses and check list markings and to verify that the number of outer and inner absentee ballot envelopes is the same as the number of persons checked as having voted by absentee ballot.

I saw the moderator, Alice, display the sealed envelopes, yet I did not observe, but possibly could have missed the processing of the absentee ballot envelopes while other activites were underway. I resolve to do my homework in the future and read the entire Recanvass Procedures closely and become much more familiar with the process.  Just as I am a much better observer after nineteen post-election audits, I can  grow in my ability to observe recanvasses.  It would help to have my own checklist and another observer to make sure everything is done and double checked.

After the initial separation of ballots  five officials counted the number of ballots.  From my position in the peanut gallery (Archaic:  see “B&W TV” or “Howdy Doody”), it looked like there was little organized cross checking while counting ballots – I could tell that they were off – based on their worried expressions – they had missed a pile of perhaps 30 ballots they had set on another table!  Its not in the recanvass procedures, but I would rather see a process where two officials verify every step of the process and where ballots are counted in piles of 25, and piled in a standard way by separate teams of counters, not five people around one table with at least five piles of ballots.  Here is another instance where the post-election audit procedures go farther, yet even they do no articulate a detailed process for counting ballots or counting votes.

Here my opinion comes in.  I would like every part of the process observable; every part  double checked by two opposing officials; and blind, that is, so if there are differences no counting official knows by how much or the election night total until all the counting is over.  Most of that is covered in the post-eleciton audit procedures, yet without detailed procedures not well understood by many election officials.

After the votes were read through the scanner, Alice fed the election ender card and then produced the report tapes with the counts, just like election night procedure.

The next step was counting the remaining ballots by hand.  Alice read each vote as two officials made hash marks on separate sheets.  Two observers looked on.  Once again, there are no standards and eventually the process yielded a credible result.  I would have a 2nd official watch that the person calling the votes to  make sure they made no errors.  For the 1st half of the votes, the observers could not see the ballots as they were being read.  They  were able to watch the hashing closely.  In the 2nd half of reading the ballots, Alice read them off the pile, so  that the observers had the opportunity  to see the votes – in fact, on one ballot an  observer corrected one vote she had missed.  After the ballots were counted the hash marks were off by one for each of two candidates (here it is fine to share that information with the team – it has nothing to do with the comparison to the election day count).

So, the votes were read and hashed another time for the two candidates with unequal totals.  I would have counted in batches of twenty-five, rather than doing all 91 in one batch.  It would have taken more time, but it would have reduced the recounting time, since presumably only one batch would have had an error.  A small difference here but when counting several hundred ballots it would  have saved a lot of time, especially if there were errors in each full count.

Its even possible that I contributed to the difference in the 1st count.  I had never seen the type of ballot bag used before.  While the counting was occurring, I asked the registrar, Linda Duren, where it was obtained – she said it was purchased from Diebold – back at home, I found it for sale from our distributor, LHS Associates.  Linda was across the room from the counting and I thought we were whispering, but Alice asked me to be quiet as it was disturbing the concentration of  the count.  Obviously if she said it did, it must have interferred.  On the other hand, I recalled many audits with three or four teams around a conference table or in very close proximity, up to nine teams in about the same space.  I always wondered how they managed to focus over the din of every team calling the same names over and over.

The counts were added and the differences announced.  The tie vote for two candidates remained and there will be a run-off on October 6th.  Until the last municipal election cycle in 2007, ties were decided by a random drawing – but, one occurred in 2007 and subsequently the law was changed.  All the totals matched election night, except one that increased one candidate by one vote.  Other observers were quite surprised.  I assured them that it was normal to have small differences, and that increases were more typical than decreases, because often a few votes are not completed well enough to be read by the machine.  Earlier many had expressed the opinion that if the machine read it on election night it must be OK, as the machine rejects errors – I pointed out that, in Connecticut, it only rejects overvotes and completely blank ballots, undervotes are not rejected and there are reasons that incorrectly filled in votes are  not read correctly.  I found that the other observers quickly understood my explinations and the reasons why I thought two people should check each ballot.

One ofter aspect of the process, I would change.  The adding of the vote subtotals from the machine and the hand count was not transparent to me.  I saw no indication that two people checked the totaling , transcription involved, or that an observer checked that aspect of the process.  It is likely some checking did occur.  Without a more defined role in the procedures, and my incomplete familiarity with it, I was reluctant to do much more than observe from a distance.

Once more, Alice did a very good job of articulating the process and soliciting questions.  The officials worked effectively and deliberately together. As everyone was leaving Alice and Linda asked for my feedback. I acknowledged that I would change the procedures in several ways but did go into that.  I suggested they consider two people checking each ballot, batching ballots  for counting, having a second official check  the reading of the votes, and holding the ballots such that observers can see them as they are read.

Finally, this whole process took about one hour and fourty-five minutes.  For integrity purposes I would add one official to the hand counting team.  Added time in counting more carefully would likely be saved in reduced rework.  Judging from the time it took to feed ballots into the scanner, print scanner tapes, and hand count 91 ballots, doing a full manual recount instead would have added about fourty-five minutes to an hour to the day.  Well worth the extra effort in my opinion.

Diebold/ES&S: AntiTrust Investigation and Suit

Senator Schumer requests investigation. Hart files suit.

Wired story, Antitrust Concerns Swirl Around Sale of Diebold Voting Machines, by Kim Zetter <read>

Sen. Charles Schumer asked the Justice Department’s antitrust division on Monday to investigate the recent sale of Diebold’s voting machines division to a competitor, saying the deal raises anti-competitiveness concerns and has “adverse implications on how our country votes.”…

The sale gives ES&S, already the largest voting machine maker in the country, a near monopoly on the voting machine industry. According to the company’s website, its systems, used in 43 states, counted “approximately 50 percent of the votes in the last four major U.S. elections.”

Hart InterCivic, a voting machine firm based in Texas, filed an antitrust suit (.pdf) on Friday, seeking a temporary and permanent injunction against the sale. According to the suit, the sale “poses a significant and imminent threat of irreparable antitrust injury to plaintiffs.”…

The suit alleges that Diebold and ES&S have long engaged in anti-competitive practices to win bids “through both legitimate and illegitimate acts and conduct.”

This behavior includes submitting low-ball bids to get contracts, after which the companies allegedly gouge customers with additional expenses for after-market service and upgrades. The suit alleges the companies also exaggerate the capabilities of their systems, misrepresent the status of their certification and exert improper and undue influence on government officials to win contracts.

This sale would make a bad situation.  Once a company selles its equipment to a state or county, it has a virtual monopoly.  This is not just theoretical.  Read the VotersUnite report from last year and Connecticut implications.

Hartford Advocate: Public Financing: Waiting For A Solution

An article that covers the concerns of those on all sides of the issue

Hartford Advocate Article: Waiting for a Solution, Scrapping the state’s public financing for campaigns could trigger a range of other problems, by Gregory B. Hladky <read>

The fate of Connecticut’s system of using taxpayer dollars to pay for political campaigns is about to be decided by a federal appeals court. And, if part of this public-financing scheme is ultimately declared unconstitutional (as seems likely), it could trigger one bad-ass mother of a legislative brawl.

Lawmakers are already sweating over U.S. District Judge Stefan R. Underhill’s findings that two key sections of the law violate the constitution. One concerns the ban on state political contributions by state lobbyists and contractors; and the other decrees how minor party candidates are treated. The state is now appealing those rulings…

“We support campaign finance reform,” DeRosa [, Mike co-chairman of Connecticut’s Green Party] insisted. But he said it’s ridiculously unfair to make a minor-party candidate for governor collect 200,000 valid voter signatures starting in January 2010 in order to qualify for public funding for the 2010 election…

State Senate Majority Leader Martin M. Looney worries that’s exactly what could happen if any part of the law is declared unconstitutional.

Looney doesn’t agree that it would be simple to change the rules requiring minor parties jump through special hoops to get funding that automatically goes to major party candidates. “I don’t think there is a fix that can be undertaken without cratering the entire system,” he said.

The Advocate article covers the concerns of those on all sides of the issue:

  • Are contribution restrictions on lobbyists, consultants, and their spouses appropriate and constitutional?
  • Are different hurdles for independent and 3rd party candidates appropriate and constitutional?
  • Can the law be fixed?  How? When?
  • Will the playing field change between now and the 2010 election?
  • Courts and the legislature usually move slowly, yet they are able to act quickly.

See our earlier coverage.

Afghan Results Raise Suspicions

Numbers from several polling places raises suspicions, with all votes going to one candidate, lots of round numbers of votes, and more votes than voters. And fake polling sites.

McClatchy Story. Numbers from several polling places raises suspicions, with all votes going to one candidate, lots of round numbers of votes, and more votes than voters. <read>

In Kandahar Province in southern Afghanistan, the results from 66 polling sites have been released. In nine of them, 100 percent of the votes went to Karzai…

At one point, he read the voting tallies at six polling sites where Karzai received almost all the votes and where all the totals were rounded numbers ranging between 250 and 350. “They should have set these aside,” Abdullah said…

The polling place called Zherai Awal Camp, for example, has an estimated 2,100 voters who were eligible to cast ballots for president. On election day, the polling place reported nearly 2,300 voters showed up, and every one who voted cast ballots for Karzai.

At three polling sites at the Shorabak District of Kandahar, 11,210 votes were tallied, and 99 percent went to Karzai.

According to an article in the New York Times, there were fake polling sites <read>

The fake sites, as many as 800, existed only on paper, said a senior Western diplomat in Afghanistan, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the political delicacy of the vote. Local workers reported that hundreds, and in some cases thousands, of votes for Mr. Karzai in the election last month came from each of those places. That pattern was confirmed by another Western official based in Afghanistan.

“We think that about 15 percent of the polling sites never opened on Election Day,” the senior Western diplomat said. “But they still managed to report thousands of ballots for Karzai.”

Diebold/Premier Acquired By ES&S – Promises No Change In Service

I am sure we will have more analysis from others over the next few days. But for now we are not as excited as the company is about the promise of more of the same.

Update: Other coverage of interest

Update: Other coverage of interest

9/10/2009 – NY Times Editorial <read>

The combination of the Election Systems & Software and Diebold American voting machine divisions raises classic antitrust concerns. Election Systems & Software, which has also been criticized for making unreliable machines, would be the nation’s largest voting machine maker by far. And states and cities, which have long complained about the low quality and high cost of the machines, would have less choice or bargaining power…

It makes no sense to allow private companies to count votes using secret, proprietary software. The federal government and the states should also require that all electronic voting machines produce a paper record of every vote and mandate random hand counts to ensure the reliability of the results.

Like the Times, we support the Holt Bill.

9/03/2009 – Brad Blog covers concerns with the merger and history of ES&S:
“Bargain-basement sale price; Anti-trust complaints to be filed; Dreadful history of failure by both companies”   <read>
************

Election Systems and Software, Inc. (ES&S) has acquired Premier Election Solutions, Inc.  (formerly Diebold). Press Release <read>

I am sure we will have more analysis from others over the next few days.  But for now we are not as excited as the company is about the promise of more of the same.  From the press release:

“While combining these two companies will mean many positive changes, one thing won’t change,” said Tesi. “In everything we do, we will continue our focus on delivering high quality services and products for all of our customers. Moving forward, all of our customers will get the same great level of service they have come to expect.

From the history of memory cards programmed by LHS Associates, our distributor, we are not pleased at the prospect of continuing memory card issues.  Earlier this year we covered the latest UConn memory card “audit” <read>  According to the report 9% of the cards sent to UConn had memory failures.  These problems are not new national reports go back at least to 2007 <read> That is an incredibly poor product – can you imagine if 9% of all thumb drives failed?

Memory cards are hardware.  Here are a couple of examples of the software quality we have come to expect from Diebold/Premier <read>

On the other hand, ES&S could have a better track record.  See page 9 of this report by VotersUnite <read>.  It outlines how:

By threatening to withdraw support, ES&S is able to dictate conditions that increase the county’s dependece.

ES&S also brought us the 18,000 missing votes in Sarasota, FL <read>

Registrars Say, Optical Scanners Provide Opportunity for Savings

Not only does the new optical scanning voting equipment make a trip to the polling place faster, it will also help the registrars of voters save money as the town moves from eight polling places to six in November.

Glastonbury, CT will save by consolidating polling places <read>

Not only does the new optical scanning voting equipment make a trip to the polling place faster, it will also help the registrars of voters save money as the town moves from eight polling places to six in November.

The town council recently approved the plan by Democratic Registrar Zelda Lessne and Republican Registrar Mary Foley and will remove Glastonbury High School and Eastbury Elementary School as polling places. The changes mean that polling places are changing for voters in districts 2, 6 and 8…

Lessne said the move will reduce election costs by approximately 25 percent and affect about 3,600 households, or 6,000 voters. Based on an average turnout for a municipal election, that’s 1,260 households or 2,100 voters, approximately 10 percent of the total number of registered voters in town. The town spends about $25,000 on each election.

“It makes a lot of sense, especially in these tough economic times,” Lessne said Monday. “We can hire less people, moving expenses are cheaper, we don’t have to feed as many people. There’s savings all the way down the line. In this economy we need to pinch every penny we can.”

As a Glastonbury resident, this change makes sense to me.  Unlike some large population cities where many voters can walk to the polling place, Glastonbury covers a very large area, the vast majority of voters must drive to their polling place, just as most students ride to school on a bus.